Echoes of Resistance: Comparing Bangladesh's Uprising to Sri Lanka's Protests
On the 5th of August 2024, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina resigned after immense protests stretching back to December 2022. Similarly, the Sri Lankan protests, nicknamed the “Aragalaya” (Sinhalese: Struggle), led to the removal of their president Gotabaya Rajapaksa in July 2022. Both leaders were chased out by protestors and fled their respective nations: Hasina fled to India, where she currently remains, however at the time of writing, Bangladesh has formally asked India to extradite Hasina, while Rajapaksa returned to Sri Lanka just 52 days after his self-exile. This is one of the key differences in the outcomes of these distinct South Asian protests. Thus, why did such similar instances in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka turn into wildly different results for these nations and what were the crucial successes and failures made by either side?
First, we need to look at the nature of the protests to understand how they managed to achieve such differing outcomes. The Sri Lankan protests occurred primarily in the South of the Nation, the Sinhalese strongholds, where the Rajapaksa gained immense popularity after defeating the LTTE in 2009, which they managed to convert into political power, leading to Gotabaya’s accession in 2019. However, his nepotic endeavours, while in office, guided the country to economic bankruptcy, leading to the country being saved by a bailout from the International Monetary Fund. This resulted in the emergence of protests against his rule from as early as March of 2022. Meanwhile, the Bangladeshi demonstrations began in December 2022 against a government job quota system, which restricted the mobility of many students, who had led these protests. This took on a broader public anger against the Prime Minister’s corruption, human-rights abuses and crackdown on opposition figures, such as Muhammad Yunus, who currently serves as the interim leader of Bangladesh. However, Sri Lanka never witnessed the rise of an opposition figure to Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a crucial difference when comparing against the immediate consequences of the flight of each of their leaders. Without any political backing and the absence of key opposition figures, many of the changes demanded by the protestors were fruitless and the protestors themselves were delegitmised by government social media efforts and police crackdowns.
Image: Anti-quota supporters clash with police and Awami League supporters in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on July 18, 2024. Mohammad Ponir Hossain/Reuters
Found in: https://www.cfr.org/article/slowing-protests-reveal-deep-rooted-political-challenges-bangladesh
However, the military played a more important role, greater than that of many protestors and politicians in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, in the immediate aftermath of their political leaders' flight. Bangladeshi authorities initially repressed the protestors, causing the deaths of several hundred and injuring many more according to Amnesty International. However, when Hasina fled via an army helicopter, the military stood by and failed to protect public property. Whereas, in Sri Lanka, the military protected public property and followed the orders of the interim government headed by Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was appointed by Gotabaya Rajapaksa before he fled Sri Lanka. He, then, with the support of parliamentarians, gained control of the police and the army, thus protecting their homes and later quashing the Ac ragalaya. Therefore, the military played a vital role in determining the nature of the aftermath of protests in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, acting as a critical factor for the long-term success of both demonstrations.
Image: Sri Lankan protestors celebrate by jumping into the pool of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s residence from https://www.firstpost.com/world/pool-parties-and-picnics-galore-whats-going-on-inside-the-sri-lankan-presidential-palace-10895311.html
Nevertheless, the impactful role of protestors in each country must not be ignored regarding the successes and failures of their respective protests. Both countries witnessed the storming of government offices. Sri Lankans famously swarmed the offices and homes of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, jumping in its swimming pool. Bangladeshis celebrated in the Ganabhaban Palace, the official residence of Hasina. Yet, the protestors of each nation came from differing socio-economic backgrounds. The Bangladeshi protestors were composed of university students, who felt that this law would restrict their mobility. This resentment expanded to the wider population, who were frustrated with the 16-year authoritative rule of Sheikh Hasina. Thus, it gave way to her disposal and a hopeful start to the future of Bangladesh. Meanwhile, Sri Lankan protesters came from an engaged middle class, which were aided by the power of mass mobilisation using social media, to highlight the economic crisis that Sri Lanka was finding itself in. Yet, social media, as previously mentioned, was key in preventing a long-term solution to complaints of corruption and human rights abuses, conducted by the Rajapaksas in their time in power. Instead, after Wickremesinghe took charge, he utilised social media to discredit the protestors. Then, his government passed the Online Safety Act, heavily regulating the content of social media, thus limiting the long-term influence of the Aragalaya. Therefore, these protestors of differing socio-economic backgrounds were at the core of the initial success of their protests and were important in producing long-term consequences, whether they were successes or failures.
In conclusion, these similar protests have ended up with widely differing outcomes. For Sri Lankans, the Aragalaya led to the fall of Gotabaya Rajapaksa; for the Bangladeshi, their protests resulted in the flight of Sheikh Hasina, who looks exceedingly unlikely to return to power in Bangladesh. Nonetheless, there have been extremely different outcomes for the two South Asian nations: Bangladesh witnesses an interim government, backed by opposition figures, that looks likely to deliver free and fair elections soon. Meanwhile, Sri Lanka may have witnessed repressive laws, but by using their democratic power, this September, they have removed the party of Rajapaksa from power and ushered in a new era of change with Anura Dissanayake, a left-wing politician hoping to solve their economic crisis, winning in a landslide victory.
Bibliography
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c756ll1r5g2o