Myanmar is facing an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. Due to ongoing civil conflict, 18 million people require humanitarian aid, and nearly 2 million have been internally displaced (Human Rights Watch, 2023). Following a coup in 1962, Myanmar’s junta ruled until 2011. Despite a brief stint of democracy between 2011-2021, the Tatmadaw (military) seized power in a coup on 1st February 2021 (Al Jazeera, 2023). Led by General Min Aung Hliang, a national state of emergency was declared and members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) were detained, including former State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi (Al Jazeera, 2023). 

Widespread demonstrations have broken out in retaliation against repressive military rule. Although undervalued in society due to entrenched patriarchal norms, women have formed the core of the resistance in major protests. Whilst their plight has gained more prominence, institutional structures impede their ability to assume leadership and political roles. This article will explore the involvement of women within political dissent, reflecting on their successes and challenges they face. 

Background 

Burma, renamed Myanmar by the military in 1989, was conquered by the British in 1886 (Naw, 2023). Resistance against colonial rule culminated in the ‘Revolution of 1300’ led by Aung San, “the architect of Burma’s freedom” (Naw, 2023). Aung San was assassinated alongside five other members in his interim government in 1947, resulting in U Nu’s rise to Prime Minister (BBC, 2018). Burma became independent in 1948, however U Nu struggled to consolidate a civilian government and was subsequently overthrown by Gen Ne Win in 1962 (BBC, 2018). Aung San’s daughter, Aung San Suu Kyi, emerged in the 1988 protests as the General Secretary of the opposition party NLD (BBC, 2018). Despite the NLD’s win in the 1990 election, the military ignored the result (BBC, 2018). The junta continued to govern until power was transferred to a civilian government in 2011 under Thein Sein (BBC, 2018). In 2015 the NLD won the elections, with Aung San Suu Kyi as State Counsellor (BBC, 2018). The Tatmadaw retained influence by automatically receiving 25% of Parliament seats codified by the 2008 Constitution (Human Rights Watch, 2024). 

The junta’s rule has historically been characterised by systematic violations of war crimes, including the unleashing of a (thermobaric) bomb in Pa Zi Gyi that killed over 160 civilians on April 11th 2023 (Human Rights Watch, 2023). Protests against repressive military rule erupted in 1962, 1974 and 1988. In response to the seizure of power in February 2021, civil disobedience spread in retaliation from 3rd February (Al Jazeera, 2023). On December 6th 2021 , Aung San Suu Kyi was found guilty of “electoral fraud and lawless actions” and given a four year sentence, later reduced to two years (Al Jazeera, 2023). On July 25th 2022, the death penalty was used for the first time in 30 years to execute four anti-coup activists (Al Jazeera, 2023). Since 2023, airstrikes have increased by over 300 percent in specific regions (Human Rights Watch, 2024). 

Disputes between ethnic minorities have continuously troubled Myanmar. Officially 135 ethnic groups living in Burman, Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Mon, Rakhine and Shan states are recognised (International Crisis Group, 2020). Conflict has engulfed the country as minorities continue to be deprived of autonomy and equal rights granted to the Bamar Buddhist majority (Marlar, et al. 2023, p.84 ). Foundations of prolonged animosity between indigenous groups can be linked to the 1982 Citizenship Law. This law restricts citizenship by birth to those situated in Myanmar prior to 1823, consequently excluding communities such as the Rohingya (International Crisis Group, 2020). Furthermore, the allocation of self-administered areas and seats in government to ethnic communities based on numerical size cements ethno-political divisions (International Crisis Group, 2020). Minorities were permitted to freely celebrate their identity during civilian rule, including the re-implementation of languages and the restoration of ethnic “national days” (International Crisis Group, 2020). Ethnicity has since remained integral to politics in Myanmar, and consequently holds a significant role in the resistance due to the inextricable link between the military and politics. 

Regardless of traditional presumptions that women are absent in insurgency and politics, involvement has not been limited to men. Women have volunteered to join the Shanni Nationalities Army in the Sagaing Region, protesting due to their minimal representation (International Crisis Group, 2020). In spite of increased participation in political life, their position is undermined due to ingrained social values. For women of ethnic minority backgrounds, their prominence in society is even more complex as they navigate intersecting identities. 

Women in resistance 

Although women have been central to resistance in Myanmar, they are frequently overlooked because of their social status. Social and cultural norms perpetuate the gender divide in Myanmar. According to Buddhist teaching, men possess hpon, a form of spiritual glory that grants men higher prestige than women (Marlar et al., 2023, p.74). The position of men is reinforced by the notion that only men have the traits to become monks or hpongyi ဘုနး်ကြီး. Traditional views concerning gender associate masculinity with “rationality, power, independence and the public sphere,” meanwhile femininity has connotations of “irrationality, in need of protection, domesticity and the private sphere” (Smith, 2018). 

In Myanmar, this can be exemplified by the exclusion of women in politics and the emphasis of their role in domestic life. As a result, women’s matters are treated with less significance, restricting their opportunities to drive change. Apart from nurses, women were banned from military careers after 1948 and 1962 (International Crisis Group, 2023). Whilst the 2008 constitution ratified equal rights for men and women, a clause stating that “nothing shall prevent appointment of men to the positions that are suitable for men only” (International Crisis Group, 2023). Furthermore, women were predominantly excluded from the 2011 peace process launched by Thein Sein (International crisis Group, 2023). 

The absence of change to improve women's status derives from a myth of “inherent equality” between men and women. During Queen Pwa Saw’s reign in the eleventh century, colonial officers depicted Burmese women having greater social equality than women in the West (Marlar et al., 2023, p.69). Women kept their maiden names and also held equal voting rights (Marlar et al., 2023, p.69). This myth persists and continues to justify discrimination against their involvement in political and general leadership positions. Aung San Suu Kyi’s assumption of power has improved the awareness for women’s involvement within society, but nevertheless has engendered superficial representation. Although two women were appointed ministers in 2011 and 2016, they were assigned to sectors associated with femininity - social welfare and education (International Crisis Group, 2023). Despite Aung San Suu Kyi’s position implying that women have greater influence, overall women are underrepresented in decision making “from the village / ward level up to the national parliament” (Marlar et al., 2023, p.72). This is supported as 95% of NLD’s 2016 Parliament was male (International Crisis Group, 2024). Therefore, barriers to women’s advancement in politics can be attributed to embedded old stereotypes and the overestimation of improvements to women’s positions. 

In regards to security, women’s contributions in active combat have been minimised and ignored. This is due to the perception that “defining, defending, and advancing the security interests of the state is a man’s affair” (Tickner, 1992, p.2). Challenging this norm, women have taken up senior positions in militia groups, and formed women-only organisations such as the Myaung Women Warriors (International Crisis Group, 2023). However, a large number of women fighters lack resources having opted to give their weapons away as they believed men were more capable (International Crisis Group, 2023). This reflects hegemonic masculinity, a construct that “sustains patriarchal authority and legitimises a patriarchal political and social order” (Smith, 2018). Rather than being viewed as soldiers, women have garnered greater attention as victims or saviours providing care for those injured. In turn, the efforts of women are neglected since armed violence is often viewed as the forefront of resistance. 

The announcement of mandatory conscription partially strengthens this narrative. Introduced at first in 2010, the law had not been implemented until 10th February 2024 (BBC, 2024). Whilst men aged 18 to 35 will be drafted, women aged 18-27 are not being included in conscription at present. This exclusion reinforces the dominance of men in the military and hence political life, restricting systemic change to improve the visibility of women. As the regime maintains supremacy, the struggle against the gendered conventions will heighten. The military have also used rape as a tool of war against ethnic resistance groups (Marlar et al., 2023, p.74). Societal constructs in which rape represents dominance and power over something that is ‘protected’ consequently prevail (Smith, 2018). Not only does this reinforce gender roles in conflict, it also negates men as victims of sexual violence from the junta. In addition to violence against women, sexual violence has been directed towards men, shown by Ye Mon’s personal documentation (Ferguson, 2023, p.13). The absence of attention on women as perpetrators of violence thus limits their presence and minimises exposure. Moreover, it serves to reproduce preconceived concepts of masculinity and femininity, harming discourse around sexual violence within war. 

Women’s role in resistance can come in alternative forms to military hostilities. Anger in relation to Myanmar’s flailing economy manifested in mass student rallies in August and September 1988 (BBC, 2021). Women from various backgrounds took to the streets. For example, Ma Thandar was arrested for her student activism in 1988, and was jailed for 6 years in Insein Prison in 2007 (The Irrawaddy, 2018). In addition, Ma Win Maw Oo was a 16-year-old high school student who later died by bullet wounds (The Irrawaddy, 2018). In support of the Spring Revolution, women played a pivotal role. The “White Coat” Revolution involved a boycott of state hospitals, led by the female dominated health sector (Marlar, et al., 2023, p.76). Although approximately 60% of the initial protesters were women, they consisted of only 40% of detainees (Ferguson, 2023, p.21). Since primarily leaders are arrested, this data suggests that fewer women are in leadership positions. Despite extensive engagement in resistance, this illustrates the discrepancy between the prominence of women and men in the social and political aspects of Burmese society. 

Whilst confronting ingrained gender stereotypes, women have become more important in the resistance against the Tatmadaw. By taking on greater responsibilities in the militia or through initiating forms of protest, mainstream views regarding women’s status in

Myanmar has shifted. Nevertheless, their progress in achieving greater political presence remains uncertain due to the military coup. Profound change is necessary to support women in achieving greater equality and to enhance their position in society. 

References: 

Al Jazeera (2023). Timeline: Two years of killings and arrests since Myanmar coup. [online] www.aljazeera.com. Available at: 

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/2/1/timeline-two-years-since-the-myanmar-milit ary-coup. [Accessed 17 March 2024] 

BBC News. (2018). Myanmar profile. [online]. Available at: 

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-12992883. [Accessed 17 March 2024] 

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https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-68345291 [Accessed 17 March 2024]. 

Ferguson, J.M. (2023). Editor’s Note: Special Issue: Gender and Social Change in Myanmar. Journal of Burma Studies, [online] 27(1), pp.1–27. Available at: 

https://muse.jhu.edu/article/889921 [Accessed 17 March 2024] 

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International Crisis Group (2020). Identity Crisis: Ethnicity and Conflict in Myanmar. [online] Crisis Group. Available at: 

https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/myanmar/312-identity-crisis-ethnicity and-conflict-myanmar. [Accessed 17 March 2024] 

International Crisis Group (2023). Breaking Gender and Age Barriers amid Myanmar’s Spring Revolution | Crisis Group. [online] Available at: 

https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/myanmar/b174-breaking-gender-and-a ge-barriers-amid-myanmars-spring-revolution#main-content [Accessed 17 Mar. 2024]. 

Marlar, Chambers, J., and Elena (2023). “Our Htamein, Our Flag, Our Victory:The Role of Young Women in Myanmar’s Spring Revolution. Journal of Burma Studies, [online] 27(1), pp.65-99. Available at https://muse.jhu.edu/article/889923#bio_bio01 [Accessed 17 Mar. 2024].

Naw, A. (2023). Aung San and Independent Burma. [online] South Asia@LSE. Available at: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2023/04/10/aung-san-and-independent-burma/. [Accessed 17 March 2024] 

Smith, S. (2018). Introducing Feminism in International Relations Theory. [online] E-International Relations. Available at: 

https://www.e-ir.info/2018/01/04/feminism-in-international-relations-theory/. [Accessed 17 March 2024] 

The Irrawaddy. (2018). The Women of 1988. [online]. Available at: 

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Tickner, J. A. (1992). “Man, the State, and War: Gendered Perspectives on National Security.” Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security. Columbia University Press, New York, pp.1-27

Photo source: https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2020/11/18/myanmar-women-army-arakan-rakhine-female-soldiers-peace

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