Diverging Paths to Climate Solutions: How COP29 Highlights the East-West Divide in Tackling Global Warming
Early morning on 23rd September the, almost, 4 million Wall Street Journal readers across the globe woke up to a new headline – "This Year's hottest Climate Bash isn't COP" (Khan 2024). This was an interesting headline given that COP, the UN's flagship climate conference, has, since its inception, been globally considered to be the focal point for global discussions on climate solutions – it's trusted by international policymakers and industry leaders alike. COP29 is also a critical turning point for the history of the conference, especially given that the organiser's - Azerbaijan's– role as the host of COP29 is particularly significant within the context of the newly formed "Troika," which includes the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Brazil.
This collaborative arrangement is designed to streamline negotiations and ensure continuity in climate governance across COP28, COP29, and COP30 (Townend et al. 2024). As a Troika member, Azerbaijan is tasked with facilitating discussions, promoting dialogue among diverse stakeholders, and addressing the geopolitical complexities inherent in climate negotiations. So, what went wrong? Why is COP29 not 2024's "hottest Climate Bash"?
Well, the fact is that the conference will be held in Azerbaijan this year and their selection as host has drawn scrutiny from many Western nations, which view the country's human rights record and its heavy dependence on hydrocarbon exports as potential obstacles to genuine climate leadership. Critics argue that Azerbaijan's fossil fuel interests may conflict with the urgent need for a transition to renewable energy sources, thereby complicating the global climate agenda. However, the fact remains that Azerbaijan, like many other Asian (or East European) nations, is still developing – it ranks 86th on the HDI index (UNDP n.d.) and has an almost $76,000 deficit in its GDP per capita when compared to that of the US (Country Economy 2023), a country that remains to be one of the staunchest of critics of the location chosen for COP29.
Thus, unlike most well-developed nations, Azerbaijan would neither have the frameworks nor the funds needed to move away from traditional fossil fuels instantly. Moreover, we must consider that 95% (Trading Economics 2024) of Azerbaijan's exports are natural gas or oil-related, meaning they cannot announce new plans to switch to electric vehicles or pledge to eliminate fossil fuels like their European and North American counterparts. Azerbaijan holds a unique position – it is located at the crossroads of Western Asia and Eastern Europe, and it acts as a metaphoric pathway between two very different yet equally important energy markets.
So, despite what the Guardian and Wall Street allude to, Azerbaijan as the leader for an internationally recognised climate conference may be the push primary resource-dependent Eastern nations need to get better access to sustainability solutions. It is also important to recognise how Azerbaijan plans to increase the share of renewables across its energy sector by almost a third. This is a big deal for a major oil-producing country like Azerbaijan, especially given that the present share of renewables is 20.86%. Azerbaijani Energy Minister Parviz Shahbazov proclaimed, "By 2027, in the first phase of partnership with energy companies, we are planning to realise close to 2GW of new renewable volumes, which will increase the share of renewables in installed capacity to 33%." (Kara 2024)
Moreover, like many smaller nations, eco-tourism is central to Azerbaijan, given that they need a way to generate alternative industries to combat their reliance on oil as an export (Kara 2024). Despite the controversy surrounding COP29's location, Azerbaijan serves as the perfect reminder for global policymakers to face today's ground realities – the global West and the global East are at different levels of economic development. Thus, a uniform approach to climate solutions is simply not feasible anymore. While COP29 is indeed a flagship conference on the issue of 'climate finance', it plays a more significant role in clearly showing the global community the critical differences in how different the approaches to climate solutions are in Asia versus the West.
So, why is Azerbaijan an excellent location to hold the COP despite its self-evident flaws - well, there are many reasons (as discussed above), but one of the most important is its geographical location. Azerbaijan falls in the South Caucasus region comprising Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia - countries in Eastern Europe/Western Asia that face significant economic disparities and have unique developmental needs that aren't being addressed in mainstream conversations. These issues affect each country's capacity to engage with climate action effectively. Azerbaijan, one of them, with its carbon-heavy economy, illustrates ideally why a one-size-fits-all approach to climate action is not viable, given that different nations require different economic and technological support.
The reality is that we need to consider a country-sensitive solution just like the way Climate Week in New York City is advocating for a market-sensitive approach. However the key difference between the protests raised at Climate Week and against COP29 is that large corporations have billions of dollars at their disposal should their investors actually prioritise the climate; while, countries in the southern Caucasus (such as Azerbaijan) do not have that amount of money but still need to battle out both the socio-economic need of their people and climate action (Brown 2024). So, it is worth asking ourselves what we need in a "climate bash"?
Stills from a showing of the knitted works of members of the “Tempestry Project” who try and raise awareness on rising temperatures by knitting with a colour associated with a temperature class on a specific day to compare daily temperatures across history.
Many countries in Asiatic regions are still developing and face pressing developmental challenges, such as poverty alleviation, infrastructure development, and social equity. Climate action cannot be divorced from these developmental needs. COP29 should promote initiatives that integrate climate goals with sustainable development objectives, ensuring that climate finance and technology transfer are accessible and relevant to the specific contexts of these nations. While it is crucial to pressure large multinationals with resources to change their ways, it is also important to realise that governments are not corporates - they face real everyday challenges to make sure that their populace is safe and that the country maintains a certain standard of economic growth - so, the critique of Azerbaijan’s government while factually accurate does not consider the real-world context of the region's current situation.
Moreover, the region faces many problems that the Western nations do not, such as water scarcity and biodiversity loss, which are exacerbated daily by climate change. Thus, while America focuses on yearly emissions, the government in Armenia is trying to solve the problem that an estimated 70% of the water in Armenia's reservoirs is lost by the time it reaches farmers' fields (Lambert and Siddiqi 2023). Hence, a new region-sensitive approach would facilitate cooperation among these nations to address these shared issues collectively. This could involve establishing a regional environmental fund to pool resources and foster collaborative solutions that benefit all parties involved. In conclusion, COP29 serves as a critical juncture for rethinking climate action strategies in a way sensitive to regional dynamics. By acknowledging economic disparities and developmental needs, the international community can foster a more equitable and effective response to climate change that benefits all nations in the South Caucasus and other Asiatic regions with region/area-specific challenges.
Azerbaijan's role as the host of COP29 also presents a unique opportunity to bridge the East-West divide in global climate action. Through its participation in the "Troika" arrangement with the UAE and Brazil, Azerbaijan is part of an effort to bring continuity to climate governance from COP28 to COP30, fostering a more cohesive, long-term strategy for tackling climate change. This coordinated approach underscores the significance of maintaining momentum in climate discussions and highlights Azerbaijan's ability to offer insights that differ from traditional Western approaches. Given its heavy reliance on fossil fuels as a significant producer in the South Caucasus, Azerbaijan faces both the challenge of transitioning to renewable energy and the economic realities of maintaining energy exports for regional stability (Townend, et al. 2024). By taking on a leadership role in COP29, Azerbaijan can thus push for a more balanced understanding of climate commitments that consider the socio-economic implications for fossil fuel-reliant economies, challenging Western narratives that emphasise rapid decarbonisation. Additionally, Azerbaijan's strategic geographic position at the crossroads of Europe and Asia allows it to represent its region's unique climate and energy needs, amplifying voices often underrepresented in climate negotiations. Hosting COP29 enables Azerbaijan and other such countries to engage constructively with globally more powerful countries, promoting a nuanced yet regionally sensitive dialogue on climate action that could catalyse a more adaptable and equitable global climate governance framework.
Hosting COP29 in Azerbaijan provides an unconventional yet powerful opportunity to confront climate action as an issue rooted in social justice, bridging gaps between environmental priorities and human rights. While Azerbaijan's restrictive human rights environment is a valid concern, its role as host could force an unfiltered look at the realities behind international climate efforts, greenwashing, and civil society participation. Azerbaijan's dependence on fossil fuels and developing climate policies lead to them facing global credibility challenges, including the pressure many other such nations face to project a 'green' image for diplomatic benefit rather than substantive action. Hosting COP29 in such a context can drive a necessary conversation on greenwashing and underscore the need for genuine, enforceable commitments essential for maintaining public trust in climate initiatives.
This mural by Sean' Hula' Yoro showcases Asian commitment to the inherent monumentalism of climate action and the bid to attract eco-tourism.
Furthermore, Azerbaijan's free speech, assembly, and press restrictions emphasise the need for inclusive civic engagement in climate dialogues. As many developing regions still face similar challenges, COP29 can demonstrate the importance of integrating marginalised voices into climate policies, ensuring they reflect the needs of affected communities. International human rights organisations and climate activists will also have a platform to pressure Azerbaijan on its governance issues, reinforcing that effective climate action requires transparency and accountability. Additionally, Azerbaijan's geopolitical challenges—such as potential difficulty securing climate finance due to its human rights record—highlight how resource distribution in climate action often intersects with political concerns, offering a more realistic view of developing nations' difficulties. In addressing these realities, COP29 in Azerbaijan could serve as a pivotal moment for reframing climate action as an inseparable issue of social justice, transparency, and societal accountability.
In conclusion, COP29 in Azerbaijan" is the "climate bash" the world needs because it brings a fresh, region-specific approach to global climate action, bridging the East and West divide. Azerbaijan's unique position as a resource-dependent, developing nation challenges the one-size-fits-all narrative, highlighting the urgent need for equitable climate solutions that reflect diverse economic realities. As host, Azerbaijan can push for climate commitments that respect environmental needs and socio-economic constraints, encouraging a more inclusive and practical framework for global climate governance. COP29 offers the world a crucial opportunity to embrace climate action that is not only ambitious but adaptable and grounded in real-world conditions.
Bibliography
Brown, H. Claire. 2024. “At Climate Gathering, a Call for Corporate World to Shoulder Environmental Costs: Some attendees at Climate Week NYC express support for mandatory contributions from major emitters.” The Wall Street Journal. 27 September. Accessed November 2, 2024. https://www.wsj.com/articles/at-climate-gathering-a-call-for-corporate-world-to-shoulder-environmental-costs-6e3e3d6f.
Country Economy. 2023. Country comparison Azerbaijan vs United States. Accessed October 31, 2024. https://countryeconomy.com/countries/compare/azerbaijan/usa.
Kara, Ayoob. 2024. “Why Azerbaijan is the Ideal Host for COP29.” Isarel Hayom. 7 August. Accessed October 28, 2024. https://www.israelhayom.com/2024/07/08/why-azerbaijan-is-the-ideal-host-for-cop29/.
Khan, Yusuf. 2024. “"This Year’s Hottest Climate Bash Isn’t COP: Climate Week NYC is expected to draw more than 100,000 visitors, while the U.N. event is forecast to shrink by more than half".” The Wall Street Journal. 23 September. Accessed October 31, 2024. https://www.wsj.com/articles/this-years-hottest-climate-bash-isnt-cop-22ec42bf#.
Lambert, Don, and Yasmin Siddiqi. 2023. “More crops per drop: Four ways Armenia can conserve water resources amid a changing climate.” Prevention Web. 8 Septmeber. Accessed November 4, 2024. https://www.preventionweb.net/news/more-crops-drop-four-ways-armenia-can-conserve-water-resources-amid-changing-climate#:~:text=An%20estimated%2070%25%20of%20the,dates%20to%20the%20Soviet%20era.
Townend, Ruth, Laurence Broers, Arzu Geybulla, Glada Lahn, Jody LaPorte, James Nixey, and Ľubica Polláková. 2024. Azerbaijan’s climate leadership challenge: What’s at stake at COP29 and beyond. Research Paper, London: Chatham House, Environment and Society Centre.
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Note that opinions expressed in the above article do not represent the stance of Asiatic Affairs committee members, Students' Union UCL or University College London. If you have read something you would like to respond to, please get in touch with uclasiaticaffairs@gmail.com.
Note that opinions expressed in the above article do not represent the stance of Asiatic Affairs committee members, Students' Union UCL or University College London. If you have read something you would like to respond to, please get in touch with uclasiaticaffairs@gmail.com.